I am not sure how to feel about the picture below.
On the one hand, it is the place where violent foreign invaders finalized the process of their conquest and domination of our peoples.
On the other hand, it is also the place where the "Federal Republic of Nigeria" more or less came into existence.
But whether you look at the place as a negative memory, or as a piece of the foundational story of "Nigeria", surely the place shouldn't look the way it looks? Shouldn't it be a place we visit to either remind ourselves of a bad thing we must strive to avoid (i.e. foreign dominance), or to remind ourselves of a good thing like Nigerian unity (it is a good thing, isn't it?).
Maybe the way the building looks is best understood as a metaphor for "Nigeria".
Whatever their propaganda might say, the British/European intervention in "Nigeria" was intended purely to benefit the British/Europeans at our expense. Nevertheless, they accidentally created a political platform from which we the people, peoples and nations of "Nigeria" could defend ourselves and our interests in a world designed to be hostile to our interests.
Except, that "Nigeria" has not, is not, and (if nothing changes) will not do for its citizens the things that it is supposed to do for its citizens. Take for example the issues involving "African" migrants facing danger and death in order to make it to supposedly better lives outside the continent. Notice that once the foreign news organizations started to give saturation coverage to the deaths of more than 20 Nigerians and the "slave market" in Libya, our federal government started making noises about doing things they would already have done years ago if they actually gave a damn about our citizens. Note I say "federal government" and not the name of any specific Fourth Republic president, as the "migrant" problem has existed for many years -- as has governmental disinterest in the fate of the "migrants".
Yeah, the state of the building where Nigeria was "born" is a metaphor for the Federal Republic that was "born" there. If "Nigeria" functioned the way it is supposed to function, the building where it was "born" would look a lot different.
This is the building Premium Times identified as being the place in Zungeru, Niger State where Mr. Frederick Lugard signed the documents that created "Nigeria" by Amalgamation.
Amalgamation Day in Lagos, 1914
Showing posts with label Nigeria Education. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nigeria Education. Show all posts
02 December, 2017
23 October, 2017
An Investigative Report on Exam Malpractice
In places where law enforcement and judicial system are perceived (rightly or wrongly) to have some degree of effectiveness, people do break the law in blunt and undisguised ways ... but a much larger number of people (and corporations) contrive of ways to break the spirit and intent of the law, while positioning themselves to be able to argue that their actions could reasonably be construed as falling within the "letter" of the law. The wealthier you are, as an individual or corporation, the more capable you are of organizing your "law-breaking" and eventual legal defence in such a way as to avoid a conviction, or at the very least to ensure that you are convicted of a lesser or even minor offence (often following a plea deal). The poorer you are, the less access you have to these particular tools of "law-breaking".
In Nigeria, the police do arrest people, and the courts do convict people, but Nigeria's people, polity, economy and society operate in a context where the quality of law enforcement and the judiciary is presumed to alternate between involuntarily ineffectual, deliberately dysfunctional and consensually corrupt.
I do not think we Nigerians as a people are "worse" than anyone else when it comes to crime, however, there are certain kinds of crime that are committed bluntly and openly in Nigeria, whereas in other places anyone who wanted to commit the crime (and trust me, many do) would have to be more "sophisticated" in their criminality, or would have to dream wistfully of what they would have done if the risks of getting caught didn't outweigh the possible gain.
There is also the issue of compensation. In certain countries, officialdom are frankly overpaid. Yes, they are paid far more than would be economically feasible if the world's economy was normal. In this context, it is easier to uphold certain standards that are perceived to be beneficial to the society at large.
In Nigeria, where civil servants and pensioners can be owed more than a year's arrears of salary, it can be .... difficult for people with rent due at the end of the month to listen to their conscience. I am not making excuses for their behaviour, but it has long depressed me that Nigerian policy-making does not take into account basic economics. Our governments, at all three tiers, keep coming up with macro-level policies that they claim will lead to particular outcomes, while leaving in place all of the economic realities that effectively force people at the micro level to make decisions that in aggregate will negate whatever it is the macro so-called policy claims it is going to achieve.
Anyway, all this is a set up to get you to read this investigative article from The Punch newspaper. The stats at the bottom of the page indicate only about 450 or so people have read the electronic version of the article, which I think is unfortunate. This is exactly the sort of investigative reporting we all want (or say we want). Yes, I know most Nigerians still get their newspaper news from actual "paper" newspapers, but those get replaced each day and anyone who didn't read it on the day (a year ago) it was published on paper will have missed the news anyway.
A reporter went undercover to expose blatant, unashamed, criminal examination malpractices. I am not one of those people who assumed "everyone" in Nigeria is a criminal (I am a Nigerian, and I am not a criminal), but the exam malpractice problem clearly extends far beyond the single centre the reporter exposed.
And yes, it is a long article in a time when the internet has shortened people's attentions spans, and yes, I know "data" costs in Nigeria. Still, isn't it better to read the facts of a thing that we all know is happening, rather than basing our "knowledge" about it on the usual rumours that are never actually true, even if they are based on (and hint at) things that are true?
PS: Is it the proper etiquette to say I was directed toward the article by the journalist Kadaria Ahmed? She posted a link.
10 December, 2013
Economic Statistics of the Nigerian States & Territories
I am not sure I trust our census results or any other "official" statistics. I don't just mean Nigerian government statistics, but the statistics produced by multilateral agencies, non-governmental organizations, academic researchers and even the mass media.
But you have to work with what you have.
Renaissance Capital did a report on the economies of Nigeria's 36 states and 1 Territory.
The Middle Eastern business site Zawya posted this table indicating some of the key findings of the Renaissance Report:
But you have to work with what you have.
Renaissance Capital did a report on the economies of Nigeria's 36 states and 1 Territory.
The Middle Eastern business site Zawya posted this table indicating some of the key findings of the Renaissance Report:
03 September, 2013
On so-called "Experts" and the Nigerian narrative
In some respect, this is a follow-up of this post, and in some respects it follows-up on my posts on "propaganda" and how the way we talk about things influences peoples perceptions of those things in a problematic way.
You may have been following the controversies kicked off when Governor Fashola of Lagos "deported" citizens of Nigeria from Lagos State to Onitsha in Anambra State. Apparently these deportations have been going on for a while, with deportees getting "shipped" out to the northernmost states. The arrival of deportees in Onitsha kicked off a firestorm of debate, which almost immediately took ethnic and regional shape. Especially on the internet, where insults were traded based on nasty stereotypes.
The discussion wasn't so much about the constitutionality of the action, nor have we begun the long overdue conversation about what Nigerian citizenship actually means. Instead we had people like Femi Fani-Kayode publishing ethnic slurs against Igbos.
I have never liked or respected Femi Fani-Kayode. He used to criticize President Obasanjo in the most vociferous of terms, but when Obasanjo gave him a cushy job as a pro-government spin-doctor, he became a dogged and rather sycophantic defender of the man he was only recently pillorying. A man who will sell himself to the highest bidder, and who forms his opinions based on whomever is willing to pay him the most, is not a man to be taken seriously.
People like Fani-Kayode should be ignored, and not given a wider platform from which to spread their bile. Unfortunately, Fani-Kayode's remarks attracted a firestorm of responses. And even more unfortunately, the responses took an ethnic and regional shape, provoking similarly ethnic and regional responses.
I want to focus on what such response to Fani-Kayode, because it highlights something I have talked about in prior posts. The full text of the response is here.
I am not interested in the response per se, just in the introduction of the author, and in the author's first two paragraphs.
This is the author's name:
You may have been following the controversies kicked off when Governor Fashola of Lagos "deported" citizens of Nigeria from Lagos State to Onitsha in Anambra State. Apparently these deportations have been going on for a while, with deportees getting "shipped" out to the northernmost states. The arrival of deportees in Onitsha kicked off a firestorm of debate, which almost immediately took ethnic and regional shape. Especially on the internet, where insults were traded based on nasty stereotypes.
The discussion wasn't so much about the constitutionality of the action, nor have we begun the long overdue conversation about what Nigerian citizenship actually means. Instead we had people like Femi Fani-Kayode publishing ethnic slurs against Igbos.
I have never liked or respected Femi Fani-Kayode. He used to criticize President Obasanjo in the most vociferous of terms, but when Obasanjo gave him a cushy job as a pro-government spin-doctor, he became a dogged and rather sycophantic defender of the man he was only recently pillorying. A man who will sell himself to the highest bidder, and who forms his opinions based on whomever is willing to pay him the most, is not a man to be taken seriously.
People like Fani-Kayode should be ignored, and not given a wider platform from which to spread their bile. Unfortunately, Fani-Kayode's remarks attracted a firestorm of responses. And even more unfortunately, the responses took an ethnic and regional shape, provoking similarly ethnic and regional responses.
I want to focus on what such response to Fani-Kayode, because it highlights something I have talked about in prior posts. The full text of the response is here.
I am not interested in the response per se, just in the introduction of the author, and in the author's first two paragraphs.
This is the author's name:
Dr. N. Tony NwaezeigweSenior Research FellowInstitute of African Studies,University of Nigeria,Nsukka.
He is a PhD, a senior research fellow, an "expert" on
African Studies. You are probably expecting something that will put an end to the pointless ethnic stereotyping and insults, something that will move us towards a discussion of the core issues and how to resolve them .... but ... then ...
Nigeria’s nationality question is neither the creation of the Igbo nor the Yoruba. It is the consequence of Hausa-Fulani’s megalomaniac quest for political power in the nation. Yet the Hausa-Fulani accept the fact that both the Igbo and Yoruba hold the key to their attainment of this divine-right objective only if both groups agree to remain suspicious of the other. It therefore becomes obvious that the solution to this national question can only be attained if both the Igbo and Yoruba realize that their mutual understanding and respect of the other’s perception of Nigeria’s progress would save the nation millions in loss of human and material resources.
First, both the Igbo and Yoruba, seen respectively as mentors to other minority ethnic groups in the South and Middle Belt should see their assumed characteristic rivalry, if at all there is something like that, as healthy to the overall development of the Nigerian nation and, not the vice versa. Second, both groups should be aware that this question of Nigeria’s nationality will always persist so long as the Hausa-Fulani feel that without any one of their own being at the helms of authority in this country, there will be no peace. And one fundamental means of achieving this Arabian power mentality is to ensure there is perpetual state of political belligerency between the Igbo and Yoruba.
And there you have it. Right from the very start, he plunges into the same ethnic stereotyping, the same insults. His response to Femi Fani-Kayode's unwarranted attacks on the Igbos as an ethnic group ... is to launch an unwarranted attack of his on on the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. Actually, there is a sly insult aimed at the so-called "minority" ethnic groups, who tend to react negatively to the suggestion that they are the political subordinates of Tripod ethnic groups to which they were yoked during the Independence Era and the First Republic.
This type of "discourse" has been the bane of Nigerian politics since the 1950s, and while people tend to point at violent incidents in our past as "proof" of their negative views of other ethnic groups, it is more correct to say that the violence was a result and a consequence of all of us having negative views about each other. To many things are instantly misinterpreted as being pan-ethnic in nature, and too many times entire ethnic groups have been assigned the blame for actions carried out by small groups of people who happen to be from that ethnic group.
The people doing the misinterpretation are not "uneducated"; if anything, the public perception that "experts" know what they are talking about has tended to lend credence to problematic theories that do little to explain why our problems came to be, and why they exist. And it is not just our academics and intellectuals that do this -- the foreign experts are just as bad. I am at a point where I almost want to call on the entire planet to consider anything and everything ever written or said about "Africa" by a foreign "experts" at any point in the past or present to be by definition false.
Indeed, among the many problems of African academia is the tendency to repeat-back or echo the conclusions foreign "researchers" make about our continent and to treat these as being established fact. This then leads to the tendency to adopt grand plans that are bound to fail, because they have nothing to do with the actual issues. Once the plan fails, we start to hear explanations for the failure that do not take into account the fact that the plan, and the "facts" upon which it was based, was bound to fail from the start.
There is a video posted on the internet, in which the late
Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello made certain comments about "Igbos", accusing them in effect of intending to take over and dominate the Northern Region. A lot of present-day Nigerians would
criticize the Sardauna's comments, entirely unaware that they approach the "issues" in exactly the same way
he did. Some people are forthright about their views on other ethnic groups (like the Fani-Kayode and Dr. Nwaezeigwe) while other people make a point of sounding politically correct until you scratch them a little or subject them to just a little stress and their true feeling about other ethnic groups and regions emerge.
Back in the 1950s, somehow and for some reason, everyone in the political and academic circles, and consequently a lot of people in the wider society, became apprehensive that they were going to be "dominated" by other sociocultural groups. The late Sardauna may have been blunt in his comments, but everyone showed by their actions that they had the same feelings about other ethnic groups as he did. Indeed, the nascent Federation of Nigeria lost the Bamenda and Buea areas to Cameroun largely because the "minority" groups in those areas took their chance to escape "domination" by the Eastern Region's "majority" ethnic group. Western Region politics also changed in the 1950s to accommodate these suspicions, which had effects on national politics.
Our politics have neither resolved nor recovered from the problems and questions that arose in the 1950s. We are still stuck in the same arguments we've been having since the 1950s, and are still subject to the same consequent violence that has plagued us in greater or lesser intensity since then.
It is time to change the conversation.
05 October, 2010
Are you kidding me?
Does President Jonathan have advisors? Spin-doctors?
The man says some very strange things. He has just asked 1980s-era Minister of Education Babatunde "Babs" Fafunwa to apologize for the failure of the 6-3-3-4 educational system Prof. Fafunwa introduced.
Prof. Fafunwa's response? He says he has no reason to apologize.
What is interesting (and weird) about Jonathan's criticism is it isn't directed at Fafunwa's administrative or managerial skills. No, President Jonathan seems to be insisting that 6-3-3-4 failed because it is inherently a system that by its very nature is bound to fail. The President seems to be touting a new system, 9-3-4, which apparently, again by its inherent nature, will succeed (or so the President says).
For those of you in the rest of the world who have no idea what these numbers mean, 6-3-3-4 refers to 6 years of Primary School, 3 years of Junior Secondary, 3 years of Senior Secondary and 4 years of a tertiary/university first-degree (i.e. "Bachelor's") programme.
Presumably 9-3-4 will involve ... an extended Primary School period? Followed by 3 years of secondary, and you know the rest.
Lets talk like adults for a second.
Different countries in the world arrange the stages of their educational system, and the number of years assigned to each stage, differently. What makes a difference is the quality of education provided within those stages.
It is downright laughable to suggest 6-3-3-4 failed because it was 6-3-3-4, and that 9-3-4 will succeed because it is 9-3-4.
In fact, whatever it was in the administration of 6-3-3-4 that led to unsatisfactory outcomes will still be there in 9-3-4 if all you do is change around the numbers assigned to each stage, which is all the Jonathan Administration is proposing.
I personally like 6-3-3-4.
It makes sense.
We just have to make it work.
I am serious.
I am tired of this attitude.
They changed the name of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU).
They changed the name of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) to National Electoral Commission (NEC) to National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON) to Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). NEPA became PHCN. Green Eagles became Super Eagles.
But did anything substantive change?
No.
Can we just fix things, instead of renaming and/or rearranging the same exact thing, and then acting as if it is now different when it is still the same?
Keep 6-3-3-4.
There is NOTHING wrong with it. Just fix the education sector. That is all we are asking.
Haba.
Postscript: Professor Babatunde "Babs" Fafunwa died on the 11th of October, 2010. May his soul rest in perfect peace.
The man says some very strange things. He has just asked 1980s-era Minister of Education Babatunde "Babs" Fafunwa to apologize for the failure of the 6-3-3-4 educational system Prof. Fafunwa introduced.
Prof. Fafunwa's response? He says he has no reason to apologize.
What is interesting (and weird) about Jonathan's criticism is it isn't directed at Fafunwa's administrative or managerial skills. No, President Jonathan seems to be insisting that 6-3-3-4 failed because it is inherently a system that by its very nature is bound to fail. The President seems to be touting a new system, 9-3-4, which apparently, again by its inherent nature, will succeed (or so the President says).
For those of you in the rest of the world who have no idea what these numbers mean, 6-3-3-4 refers to 6 years of Primary School, 3 years of Junior Secondary, 3 years of Senior Secondary and 4 years of a tertiary/university first-degree (i.e. "Bachelor's") programme.
Presumably 9-3-4 will involve ... an extended Primary School period? Followed by 3 years of secondary, and you know the rest.
Lets talk like adults for a second.
Different countries in the world arrange the stages of their educational system, and the number of years assigned to each stage, differently. What makes a difference is the quality of education provided within those stages.
It is downright laughable to suggest 6-3-3-4 failed because it was 6-3-3-4, and that 9-3-4 will succeed because it is 9-3-4.
In fact, whatever it was in the administration of 6-3-3-4 that led to unsatisfactory outcomes will still be there in 9-3-4 if all you do is change around the numbers assigned to each stage, which is all the Jonathan Administration is proposing.
I personally like 6-3-3-4.
It makes sense.
We just have to make it work.
I am serious.
I am tired of this attitude.
They changed the name of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU).
They changed the name of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) to National Electoral Commission (NEC) to National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON) to Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). NEPA became PHCN. Green Eagles became Super Eagles.
But did anything substantive change?
No.
Can we just fix things, instead of renaming and/or rearranging the same exact thing, and then acting as if it is now different when it is still the same?
Keep 6-3-3-4.
There is NOTHING wrong with it. Just fix the education sector. That is all we are asking.
Haba.
Postscript: Professor Babatunde "Babs" Fafunwa died on the 11th of October, 2010. May his soul rest in perfect peace.
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